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Russia is keen to exploit increased opportunities in the resulting vacuum, using both hard and soft power, to expand its influence and presence and to take advantage of Donald Trump’s presidency, marked by his embrace of an “America First” foreign policy and: Finding examples of Russian global activism is easy. Which Russian activities may risk overreach and pushback?Assessing its motivations, consequences, and effectiveness is not. response to Russia’s increased global activism will be challenging. What are the best ways to measure the impact—both in Russia and the West—of Moscow’s recent global activism?
However, since Vladimir Putin returned to the Russian presidency in 2012 after a four-year stint as prime minister, Russia has engaged in a broad, sophisticated, well-resourced, and—to many observers—surprisingly effective campaign to expand its global reach.
Moscow also is keen to shore up its influence in Central Asia, a region increasingly dominated economically by China.
The second category consists of Moscow’s efforts to undermine the Western and transatlantic institutions it considers its principal adversaries—the United States, the European Union (EU), and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO).
Not every far-flung Russian initiative should be viewed as part of a global zero-sum competition between the United States and Russia, and the costs to Russia of some of these efforts could exceed the benefits Moscow hopes to gain. Russia’s global activism can be divided into four geographic regions.
Policymakers should seek to assess the interests that a given Russian behavior is seeking to advance, which policy tools Moscow is employing, which U. While there may be some uncertainty about the drivers at play in each of these regions, there is little uncertainty about the considerable momentum behind these efforts.
At this juncture, Moscow’s diplomacy focused primarily on the former Soviet space and was dictated by immediate security requirements and the agenda of settling post-Soviet divorce affairs, in particular the return to Russia of nuclear weapons that had been located in former states of the Soviet Union, the settling of former Soviet debt, and the disposition of Soviet assets.
In retrospect, there can be little doubt that Moscow did not accept its former Soviet neighbors as fully sovereign and independent.
In general, Moscow’s ordering of priorities aligns closely with the proximity of the region to Russia, as well as with Russian threat perceptions.
First are Moscow’s efforts to retain its influence or counter Western influence in the states of the former Soviet Union.
The breakup of the Soviet Union left Russia with little appetite and few resources to pursue old Soviet ambitions in various far-flung corners of the world.
The ideology behind those ambitions had been discredited, and the means to support them were gone.
Since 2012, Russia has been conducting a sophisticated, well-resourced, and, thus far, successful campaign to expand its global influence at the expense of the United States and other Western countries.